Wednesday, May 20, 2020

History of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE)

The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) is a civil rights organization created in 1942 by white University of Chicago student George Houser and black student James Farmer. An affiliate of a group called the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), CORE became known for using nonviolence during the U.S Civil Rights Movement. The Congress of Racial Equality The Congress of Racial Equality was started by a racially mixed group of Chicago students in 1942. The organization adopted nonviolence as its guiding philosophy.James Farmer became the organization’s first national director in 1953, a position he held until 1966.CORE took part in a number of important civil rights efforts, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the Freedom Rides, and Freedom Summer.In 1964, white supremacists abducted and killed CORE workers Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner, and James Chaney. Their disappearance and murder made international headlines, primarily because Goodman and Schwerner were white men from the North.By the late 1960s, CORE had adopted a more militant approach to racial justice, leaving behind its earlier nonviolent ideology. One CORE activist, Bayard Rustin, would go on to work closely with the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. As King rose to fame in the 1950s, he worked with CORE on campaigns such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott. By the mid-1960s, however, CORE’s vision changed and it embraced the philosophy that would later be known as â€Å"black power.† In addition to Houser, Farmer, and Rustin, CORE’s leaders included the activists Bernice Fisher, James R. Robinson, and Homer Jack. The students had participated in FOR, a global organization influenced by Gandhi’s principles of nonviolence. Guided by an ideology based on peace and justice, CORE members in the 1940s took part in acts of civil disobedience, such as sit-ins to confront segregation in Chicago businesses.   Journey of Reconciliation In 1947, CORE members arranged a bus ride through different Southern states to challenge Jim Crow laws in light of a recent Supreme Court decision prohibiting segregation in interstate travel. This action, which they called the Journey of Reconciliation, became the blueprint for the famous 1961 Freedom Rides. For defying Jim Crow while traveling, CORE members were arrested, with two forced to work on a North Carolina chain gang.   Anti-lynching Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) button reads break the noose. The Frent Collection  /  Getty Images Montgomery Bus Boycott After the Montgomery Bus Boycott started on December 5, 1955, CORE members, led by national director Farmer, got involved in the effort to integrate buses in the Alabama city. They helped to spread the word about the mass action, inspired by activist Rosa Parks’ arrest for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger. The group also sent members to take part in the boycott, which ended more than a year later on December 20, 1956. By the following October, the Rev. Martin Luther King was a member of CORE’s Advisory Committee. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference, co-founded by King, collaborated with CORE on a variety of initiatives over the next few years. These include efforts to integrate education through the Prayer Pilgrimage for Public Schools, the Voter Education Project, and the Chicago Campaign, during which King and other civil rights leaders unsuccessfully fought for fair housing in the city. CORE activists also led trainings in the South to teach young activists how to challenge racial discrimination through nonviolent means. The Freedom Rides Freedom Riders on a Greyhound bus sponsored by the Congress Of Racial Equality (CORE), sit on the ground outside the bus after it was set afire by a group of whites who met the group on arrival in Anniston, Alabama, May 14, 1961. Underwood Archives  /  Getty Images In 1961, CORE continued its efforts to integrate interstate bus travel by planning the Freedom Rides, during which white and black activists rode on interstate buses together through the South. The Freedom Rides were met with more violence than the earlier Journey of Reconciliation. A white mob in Anniston, Alabama, firebombed a bus the Freedom Riders traveled on and beat the activists as they tried to escape. Despite the violence, the rides continued thanks to the combined efforts of CORE, the SCLC, and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. On Sept. 22, 1961, the Interstate Commerce Commission prohibited segregation in interstate travel, in large part due to the efforts of the Freedom Riders. Voting Rights CORE not only worked to end racial segregation but also to help African Americans exercise their right to vote. Blacks who attempted to vote faced poll taxes, literacy tests, and other barriers to intimidate them. Blacks who rented housing from whites could even find themselves evicted for trying to vote. They also risked deadly retaliation for visiting the polls. Aware that African Americans would lack true power in the U.S. without registering to vote, CORE participated in 1964’s Freedom Summer, a campaign started by the SNCC with the goal of registering African Americans in Mississippi to vote and participate in the political process.   However, tragedy struck in June 1964, when three CORE workers—Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner, and James Chaney—went missing. The bodies of the men were later discovered. They had been abducted and murdered after being arrested and jailed for allegedly speeding. On August 4, 1964, the FBI found their bodies in a farm near Philadelphia, Mississippi, where they had been buried. Because Goodman and Schwerner were white and Northern, their disappearance had drawn national media attention. As authorities searched for their bodies, however, they found several slain black men whose disappearance had not garnered much notice beyond Mississippi. In 2005, a man named Edgar Ray Killen, who’d served as a Ku Klux Klan organizer, was convicted of manslaughter for the Goodman, Schwerner, Chaney killings. It is believed that several people conspired to abduct and kill the men, but the grand jury lacked the evidence to indict them. Killen was sentenced to 60 years in prison. He died on January 11, 2018 at the age of 92. The killings of the CORE activists marked a turning point for the group. Since it was founded, the civil rights organization had adopted the principles of nonviolence, but the brutality its membership had faced led some CORE  activists to question this philosophy. The growing skepticism toward nonviolence resulted in leadership changes in the group, with national director James Farmer resigning in 1966. He was replaced by Floyd McKissick, who embraced a militant approach to eradicating racism. During McKissick’s tenure, CORE focused on black empowerment and nationalism and distanced itself from its former pacifist ideology.   7/22/1966-New York, NY- Floyd B. McKissick, national director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), carries a sign reading Black Power after joining a picket line in front of the Apollo Theater in Harlem. Bettmann / Getty Images CORE’s Legacy   CORE played a pivotal role during the civil rights struggle and influenced the movement’s most prominent leader, the Rev. Martin Luther King, to adopt nonviolence. Additionally, early CORE activist Bayard Rustin was one of King’s closest political advisors and the organizer of the March on Washington, where King delivered his famous â€Å"I Have a Dream Speech† in 1963. CORE co-sponsored the event which saw a turnout of more than 250,000 people. The efforts of CORE and its members are associated with a number of civil rights victories—from the Montgomery Bus Boycott to the Freedom Rides, in which a young Rep. John Lewis (D-Georgia) took part. CORE’s involvement with civil rights spans the entire movement and, as such, its contributions are firmly imprinted on the fight for racial justice. Although the Congress of Racial Equality still exists today, its influence has significantly faded since the Civil Rights Movement. Roy Innis, successor to Floyd M cKissick, served as the group’s national chairman until his death in 2017. Sources Congress of Racial Equality. â€Å"History of Core.†The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute. â€Å"Freedom Summer.†The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute. Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).PBS.org., â€Å"Murder in Mississippi.†

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

My Opinion On Literacy Ignorance Is A Negative Social...

My opinion in literacy Ignorance is a negative social phenomenon rampant in most of the Arab countries and the various countries, particularly developing ones? The concept differs illiteracy from state to state in the Arab countries, for example, mean illiteracy man who reached Second-year-old did not learn the principles of reading, writing and arithmetic in what language. In developed countries, such as Japan, the illiteracy person who has not reached the educational level that makes him understand written instructions in the technical subjects in his work. Phenomenon of illiteracy In the Arab countries to political and social reasons, economic and cultural recall. Including the large increase in population in the Arab countries, weak enough. Internal systems of education that lead to children dropping out of education do not apply of compulsory education fully in most Arab countries. Most of the deficit Arab governments for achieving the principle of equal educational opportunities, educational. There i s no Feasibility of actions taken on the fight against illiteracy, and adult education in the Arab country. In the Arab educational development there is low standard of living, and the low level of income in most Arab families. Counting the phenomenon of illiteracy of natural phenomena that characterize the Arab societies unfortunately. Literacy is needed from all societies in the world. There are many people who support this idea because they have friends or relatives whoShow MoreRelatedStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. Judge (2011) Organizational Behaviour 15th Edition New Jersey: Prentice Hall393164 Words   |  1573 PagesManagement Skills 8 †¢ Effective versus Successful Managerial Activities 8 †¢ A Review of the Manager’s Job 9 Enter Organizational Behavior 10 Complementing Intuition with Systematic Study 11 Disciplines That Contribute to the OB Field 13 Psychology 14 †¢ Social Psychology 14 †¢ Sociology 14 †¢ Anthropology 14 There Are Few Absolute s in OB 14 Challenges and Opportunities for OB 15 Responding to Economic Pressures 15 †¢ Responding to Globalization 16 †¢ Managing Workforce Diversity 18 †¢ Improving Customer ServiceRead MoreOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 Pagesperspectives on the past) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-4399-0269-1 (cloth : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-1-4399-0270-7 (paper : alk. paper)—ISBN 978-1-4399-0271-4 (electronic) 1. History, Modern—20th century. 2. Twentieth century. 3. Social history—20th century. 4. World politics—20th century. I. Adas, Michael, 1943– II. American Historical Association. D421.E77 2010 909.82—dc22 2009052961 The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National StandardRead MoreStrategic Marketing Management337596 Words   |  1351 Pagesfrom the Library of Congress ISBN 0 7506 5938 6 For information on all Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann publications visit our website at http:/ /books.elsevier.com Printed and bound in Italy Working together to grow libraries in developing countries www.elsevier.com | www.bookaid.org | www.sabre.org Contents Preface Overview of the book’s structure 1 Introduction 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 Learning objectives The nature of marketing The management process Strategic decisions and the nature

Health In The Victorian Era Essay Research free essay sample

Health In The Victorian Era Essay, Research Paper During the Victorian Era there were monolithic moving ridges of contagious disease. The first was from 1831 to 1833, which included two grippe epidemics and the initial visual aspect of cholera. The 2nd was from 1836 to 1842, which encompassed major epidemics of grippe, typhus, enteric fever and cholera. The first eruption of Asiatic cholera in Britain was at Sunderland on the Durham seashore during the fall of 1831. From there the disease made its manner northerly into Scotland and southerly toward London. From its point of origin Bengal it had taken five old ages for the disease to traverse Europe. Whine it eventually reached Durham, British physicians were good cognizant of its nature but non of its cause. The advancement of the unwellness in a cholera victim was scaring. Major symptoms included diarrhoea that increased in strength and became accompanied by painful retching, thirst and desiccation, terrible hurting in the limbs, tummy, and abdominal musculuss, a alteration in tegument chromaticity to a kind of bluish-gray. This unwellness terrified physicians every bit good as ordinary citizens. Cholera subsided every bit cryptically as it had flourished, but in the interim another unwellness took its topographic point. Following a peculiarly showery spring, Britain was visited by the first of eight serious grippe epidemics within a period of 16 old ages. In those yearss the disease was frequently fatal, and even when it did non kill, it left its victims weakened in their defences against other diseases. Burials in London doubled during the first hebdomad of the 1833 eruption. In one two-week period they quadrupled. While cholera was found to hold spread through H2O set uping chiefly the poorer vicinities, grippe was limited by no economic or geographic boundaries. Large Numberss of public functionaries died from it, as did many theatre people. At that clip the term febrility encompassed a figure of different diseases including cholera and grippe. In the 1830 s the new febrility, typhus, was isolated. During its worst eruption, in 1837-38, most of the deceases from the febrility in London were attributed to typhus, and new instances averaged about 16 1000 in England throughout each of the following four old ages. This coincided with one of the worst variola epidemics which killed 10s of 1000s, chiefly babies and kids. Scarlet febrility, which was referred to in those yearss as scarlet fever, was responsible for about 20 thousand deceases in 1840 entirely. In the old ages between 1842 and 1846, there was a considerable diminution in epidemics. However, in 1846, a hot and dry summer was followed by a serious eruption of enteric fever in the autumn of that twelvemonth. Enteric fever, as it was so called, is a water-borne disease like cholera and tends to boom when people are non peculiar about the beginning of their imbibing H2O. That same twelvemonth, as the murphy famine struck Ireland, a deadly signifier of typhus appeared, impacting big Numberss of even good to make households. As Irish workers moved to metropoliss like Liverpool and Glasglow the Irish febrility moved with them. By 847 the contagious disease, non all connected with in-migration, had spread throughout England and Wales. It accounted for over 30 thousand deceases. As had happened earlier, typhus appeared at the same time with a terrible grippe epidemic. There was besides widespread dysentery, and as if this was non plenty, cholera returned in the fall of 1848. It assai led particularly those parts of the island hardest hit by typhus and left about as many dead as it had in 1831. Diseases like cholera, enteric fever, and grippes were more or less endemic at the clip, break outing into epidemics when the right climatic conditions coincided with periods of economic hurt. The frequence of coincident epidemics gave rise to the belief that one kind of disease brought on another, and it was widely believed that grippe was an early phase of cholera. There were other contagious diseases that annually killed 1000s without going epidemic. Take together, rubeolas and hooping cough accounted for 50 thousand deceases in England and Wales between 1838 and 1840. About one one-fourth of all deceases during this general period have been attributed to TB and ingestion. By and large throughout the 1830 s and 1840 s trade was away and nutrient monetary values were high. The poorer categories, being ill-fed, were less immune to contagious disease. Besides, during the more ruinous old ages the conditions was highly variable, with heavy rains following drawn-out drouths. Population, particularly in the Midlands and in some haven metropoliss and towns, was turning quickly without a coincident enlargement in new lodging. Herding contributed to the comparatively fast spread of disease in these topographic points. The Registrar General reported in 1841 that while average life anticipation was 45 old ages, it was merely 37 in London and 26s in Liverpool. The mean age of labourers, mechanics, and retainers at times of decease was merely 15. Mortality figures for crowded territories like Shoreditch, Whitechapel, and Bermondsey were typically twice every bit high as those for middle-class countries of London. These sorts of statistics made the people of Britain aware of the magnitude of diseases in their ain clip and it besides served as effectual arms for healthful reformists when they brought their instance before Parliament. Two studies by the Poor Law Commission in 1838, one by Dr. Southwood Smith and the other by Drs. Neil Arnott and J.P. Kay, outlined causes and likely agencies of forestalling catching diseases in poorness countries like London s Bethnal Green and Whitechapel. Edwin Chadwick s study broadened the range of enquiry geographically, as did a Royal Commission papers in 1845 on the Health of Towns and Populous Places. What we learned from these and other beginnings gives a cheerless image of early Victorian Hygiene. During the first old ages of Queen Victoria s reign, baths were virtually unknown in the poorer territories and uncommon anyplace. Most families of all economic categories still used privy-pails and H2O cupboards were rare. Sewers had level undersides, and because drains were made out of rock, ooze was considerable. If, as was frequently the instance in towns, streets were unpaved, they might stay knee-deep in clay for hebdomads. For new in-between category places in the turning fabrication towns, elevated sites were normally chosen, with the consequence that sewerage filtered down into the lower countries where the laboring populations dwelt. Some towns had particular drainage jobs. In Leeds the Aire River, fouled by the town s garbage, flooded sporadically, directing noxious Waterss into the land floors and cellars of low-lying houses. In his study, Chadwick subsequently recalled, the new homes of the in-between category households were barely healthier, for the bricks tended to continue wet. Even picturesque old state houses frequently had a dongeonlike moistness. Chadwick quotes what a visitant might detect, If he enters the house he finds the cellar steaming with water-vapor, walls invariably bedewed with wet, basements coated with fungus am=nd mold ; pulling suites and dining suites ever, except in the really heat of summer, oppressive from wet ; sleeping rooms, the Windowss which are, in winter, so frosted on their interior surface, from condensation of H2O in the air of the room, that all twenty-four hours they are coated with ice. lt ;< br /> In some territories of London and other great towns, the supply of H2O was irregular. Typi8cally a vicinity of 20 or 30 households on a peculiar square or street would pull their H2O from a singly pump two or three times a hebdomad. Sometimes, happening the pump non working, they were forced to recycle the same H2O. When the local supply became contaminated the consequences could be black. In Soho s St. Anne s parish, for illustration, the fecal matters of an infant stricken with holera washed down into the H2O modesty from which the local pump Drew, and about all Tho utilizing the pump were infected. Contaminated London Drinking H2O incorporating assorted micro-organisms, garbage, and more. The Public Health Bill, passed in 1848 because of the attempts of reformists like Smith and Chadwick, empowered a cardinal authorization to put up local boards whose responsibility it was to see that new places had proper drainage and that local H2O supplies were reliable. The boards were besides authorized to modulate the disposal of wastes and to oversee the building of burial evidences. Simply conveying this last job to public attending was a great service. The New Bunhill Fields burying land in the Borough less than an acre in size, was at the clip the depositary of over 15 100 organic structures a twelvemonth, though Chadwick estimated that merely one hundred and ten could be neutralized per acre of land. When more room was needed, the older skeletons and caskets were incinerated. The cemetery of ST. Martin s, Lugate. Had long since filled and 100s more were interred in church vaults, the ensuing stench drove the regular believers from service. Since it was widely believed that disease was generated spontaneously from crud and transmitted by noxious unseeable gas or miasma, there was much dismay over the Greta Stink of 1858 and 1859. The Thames had become so contaminated with waste as to be about intolerable during summer months. Peoples refused to utilize the river-steamers and would walk stat mis to avoid traversing on of the metropolis Bridgess. Parliament could transport on its concern merely by hanging disinfectant-soaked fabrics over the Windowss. It should hold been a blow to the theory of pathogenesis when no eruption of febrility ensued from this monstrous malodor. Equally tardily as 1873, nevertheless, William Budd could reluctantly study in his book on enteric fever that organic affair, and particularly sewage in a province of decomposition, without any relation to antecedent febrility, is still by and large supposed to be the most fertile beginning. No uncertainty the opposition to the theory of contaminated H2O as a beginning of infection contributed to the steady prevalence of enteric fever in the 2nd half of the century every bit good as to the high mortality rates from cholera in epidemics every bit tardily as 1854 or 1865-66. The general cleansing up of the metropoliss and towns, nevertheless, produced a pronounced decrease in deceases from typhus, a disease we now know to be transmitted by lice. Although a systematic control of contagious disease had to expect the debut of preventative vaccination in the 1880ss and 1890ss, after mid-century the general wellness of the state measurably improved. In the 1850 s and 1860 s there came into common usage such diagnostic AIDSs as the stethoscope, the ophthamlaoscope, and short clinical thermometer. Meanwhile the employment of general anaesthesia and antiseptic surgery was cut downing well the figure of hospital deceases. Improved hygiene, diagnosing, and intervention in the past century hold given people a certain emotional security even in the face of serious disease. Throughout much of the Victorian period, with both the causes and the forms of disease really much affairs of guess, it was hard of all time to experience comfy about one s province of wellness. The behaviour of the sever contagious diseases of the clip had a particular manner of escalating anxiousness. They would look, so lessen for a month or two, merely to re-emerge in the same vicinity or someplace else. Besides, the single sick person had no manner of foretelling the result of the disease in his ain instance. Influenza patients, observed the London Medical Gazette during the 1833 epidemic, might linger for the infinite of two or three hebdomads and so acquire up good, or they might decease in the same figure of yearss. Merely as terrorization was the unsure advancement of enteric fever. For the first hebdomad the victim would expe rience listless and suffer concerns, insomnia, and febrility. His temperature would bit by bit increase over this period, though fluctuating between forenoon and eventide hours. His tummy would be painful and distended. Probably he would hold diarrhoea and possibly ruddy spots on his tegument. Typically there would be an intensification of these symptoms for a few hebdomads. In most instances the patient would retrieve, but recuperation might take extra hebdomads. Depending on the badness of the onslaught, nevertheless, and the patient s ability to defy, he might decease from exhaustion, internal hemorrhaging, or ulceration of the bowel. The beginnings f such a disease as enteric fever were so mild and gradual as to be subjectively identical from a cold, and a moderate instance of grippe from any figure of nonfatal ailments. Lack diseases, both glandular and dietetic, were but indistinctly understood in those yearss. Proper diagnosing and effectual intervention of goitre, diabetes, and the assorted vitamin lacks belong to the 20th century, as is true with allergic reactions, many of which must besides hold imitated the early symptoms of acute diseases. Thousands of sick persons from eczema, urtications, or asthma non merely were given superficial alleviation but besides were nescient of the nature of their maladies. The figure of unknowing victims of chronic nutrient toxic condition must besides hold been great. Mineral toxicants were frequently introduced into nutrient and H2O from bottle stoppers, H2O pipes, wall pigments, or equipment used to treat nutrient and drinks. Furthermore, the calculated debasement of nutrient was a common and, until 1860, virtually unrestricted pattern. For illustration, because of Englishman s disfavor for brown staff of life, bakers on a regular basis whitened their flour with alum. Conditionss for the processing and sale of nutrients were insanitary. An 1863 study to the Privy Council stated that fifth part of the meat sold came from diseased cowss. In 1860 the first pure-food act was passed, but, as was frequently the instance in these early regulative steps, it provided no compulsory system of enforcement. In 1872 another act was passed, this clip well beef uping punishments and review processs. But in the interim, and throughout most of the 19th century, Briti sh citizens had small protection against unwholesome nutrient and drink. We can merely think how many dozenss of debased tea, rancid butter, and polluted meat were sold and consumed monthly throughout the land. Bibliography Haley, Bruce. , The Healthy Body and Victorian Culture. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1978 Mitchell, Sally. # 8220 ; Medical Practice # 8221 ; in Victorian Britain: an Encyclopedia Newman, Charles. The Development of Medical Education in the Nineteenth Century ( 1957 ) . Porter, Dale H. , The Thames Embankment: Environment, Technology, and Society in Victorian London. Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1998 Wohl, Anthony S. , Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victoria Britain.1983